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Hamas’s Foreign Policy

Par : AHH

The unity of the Resistance from the river to the sea is not only inspiring from afar, but has yielded practical results for the Palestinians.

By Ganna Eid of Al Mayadeen

Daud Abdullah wrote an erudite and comprehensive analysis of Hamas’s foreign policy which was released by the Afro-Middle East Center (AMEC) in 2020. The majority of the writing was done in 2019, and thus there are a few lacunae based on the last 5 years of world affairs.

On the world scale, the Covid-19 pandemic rocked production, distribution, and public health sectors; the Russian special military operation in Ukraine gave us the first of a series of likely wars in the decline of Atlanticist hegemony. In Palestine, the “Unity Intifada” — also known as Seif Al-Quds battle–highlighted the connectivity of the various Resistance factions within Palestine.

Now, today, Operation Al-Aqsa Flood and its aftermath have changed the regional geometry, with even more unity among all factions of the Axis of Resistance across the region.

I will first analyze some of Abdullah’s policy prescriptions for Hamas based on the world situation in 2020, and then see to what extent these policy prescriptions have been undertaken by the Islamic movement or to what extent they still require action. In this article, three elements of Hamas’s foreign policy stick out to me: their relations with Russia and China, the shifts and reconfigurations of the Axis of Resistance, and finally, Hamas’s ability to politically and diplomatically maneuver after October 7th.

Russian FM Lavrov meets with Hamas politburo members Khaled Meshal and Osama Hamdan, Moscow, circa 2015

The first topic to discuss revolves around Hamas’s relations with Russia and China.

Abdullah’s analysis of Hamas’s relations with Russia and China is one of the most honest, sober, and important analyses I have read in some time. With reference to Russia, Abdullah points out that early on in Hamas’s existence, Russia was willing to break with the iron grip of the Quartet and defend Hamas from the ‘terrorist’ label. Hamas officials and delegates have gone to Moscow on a number of occasions, the latest being in early 2024. At these meetings, Hamas has been treated as a regular political party and a representative of the Palestinians, which has afforded the movement and its leaders meetings with high-ranking officials in Russia, such as Sergey Lavrov.

Yet, the two-headed eagle of Russia stands at a crossroads still. While Ukraine has fallen out of the news cycle, the war is slowing down and there have been some signals of a peace treaty in the near future. Putin–and Russia–understand that the Ukrainian regime are puppets of the imperialists tasked with bringing down the Eurasian superpower, yet this analysis is not extended to “Israel”. Why is this? Is it that a great many “Israeli” citizens are of Russian origin? Is it because Putin, like the double-headed eagle of Russia’s standard, is balancing his role as the post-Soviet liberal statesman and his role as the Eurasianist Hercules whose sword hovers over the Gordian Knot of NATO imperialism? This delicate balancing act will have to come to an end, especially with the carnage wrought by “Israel” and the USA in Gaza today.

Armed Fatah militants reading copies of ‘Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung,’ Jordan, 1970

With reference to China, Abdullah does not spare the People’s Republic from criticism of their position vis-a-vis Palestine and Hamas. While China–like Russia–has from the start shielded Hamas from the ‘terrorist’ label, and has treated Hamas as a legitimate governing party, they are involved in their own balancing act.

China has extensive trade relations with the Zionist colony, and uses this along with their recognition of Hamas as a means to try and enter the region as a ‘fair and honest peace broker’. While their brokering of rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia is laudable, China is yet to use their global clout to help isolate and sanction the Zionists. It still clings to the dead and buried ‘two-state’ solution as their official position.

Yet as Abdullah points out, the relationship between the more radical Chinese intelligentsia and the Chinese state is a close one, and one which Hamas should exploit:

As things stand, China’s intelligentsia are increasingly questioning whether the ‘keep a low profile’ policy is fit for purpose in the twenty-first century. In this context, Hamas has nothing to lose and everything to gain by positioning itself to benefit from changes that seem imminent in China’s foreign policy.

The above quote from Abdullah is one with which I agree; Chinese intellectuals, such as Zhang Weiwei and Minqi Li, are theorizing multipolarity and the ongoing fall of US hegemony. The Chinese intelligentsia are also involved in President Xi’s ideological campaigns in the PLA, which aim to politicize the army and involve them further in socialist construction. The growing rift in Sino-US relations is an opportunity for Hamas and the Palestinian national movement.

Hamas’s reconciliation with the Assad government in Damascus is an important development after the two parties had differing stances on the civil war and eventual proxy war in Syria in 2012. This subsequently improved relations between Iran and Hamas, which had suffered after 2012 as well. The ability of Hezbollah, and indeed Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah himself, to orchestrate this reconciliation shows the seriousness and importance of the Arab strategic depth.

A driving force of this reconciliation was the 2021 ‘Unity Intifada’ and the shifts on the ground in the region which have strengthened the Resistance. The 2021 ‘Unity Intifada’ is important for a number of reasons, primarily that the Resistance in Gaza–the liberated land base from which the national liberation struggle is being launched–and the Resistance in the occupied territories went hand-in-hand into battle for the first time since the Hamas-Fatah split in 2007.

The unity of the Resistance from the river to the sea is not only inspiring from afar, but has yielded practical results for the Palestinians. The internal crises of the Zionist colony highlight the contradictory trend: while the Palestinians are uniting after years of division, the Zionists are at each other’s throats. The unity of the Resistance and the disintegration of social relations in the colony continue today, in the midst of Operation Al Aqsa Flood.

Since October 7, Hamas and other Resistance factions inside Palestine (notably PIJ, PFLP, and DFLP) have relentlessly unleashed a guerilla war on the Zionist colony. This has not led to military victories alone; Hamas has the potential to come out of this in a better position diplomatically. As with all things, this depends on the balance of forces. Hamas has insisted that the only end which they see fit in any ‘ceasefire’ is an all-for-all prisoner swap. The magnitude of Palestinian prisoners compared to “Israeli” ones is already a numeric victory if this is to happen, and it seems that the Zionists may have to concede to this because their American masters are attempting to tighten the leash. Yet, why should Hamas stop there? The Ansar Allah forces in Sanaa have shown their willingness to disrupt global trade in support of Palestine.

Hezbollah is showing signs of escalating battles on the northern front, which is not an irrational fear for the Zionists given what happened in 2000 and 2006. So how could Hamas secure a larger victory? If the Resistance is able to enfeeble the Zionists and settle a temporary truce at the 1967 borders, that then increases the size of the land base and improves the logistics for launching a war of total liberation because there will be some territorial contiguity. This would also shift internal developments in Palestine, such as the potential formation of a unity government which gets rid of the comprador elements of Fatah. Indeed, PCPSR polling shows that the corrupt PA is as unpopular as ever.

The potential creation of a unity government then opens diplomatic space for powerful countries like Russia and China to support one democratic state, which they currently do not. As the battle for Palestine rages on, we will indeed see how Hamas’s foreign policy space waxes and wanes. As always, the patient and calculated tenor of the Axis of Resistance will provide us with a beacon toward total liberation.

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This is a timely article reviewing internal political maneuvering and realigments amongst the Palestinians. In two days, on February 29th, all Palestinian factions are hosted in Moscow in the attempt to create a unity government presenting a common political front.

Clearing the Fog of Black-Palestinian Solidarity

Par : AHH

As oppressors worldwide are in solidarity, a Palestinian calls for solidarity among the oppressed.

By Ganna Eid of Al Mayadeen

In the past decade, whenever there is an uptick in Palestinian revolutionary activity or Zionist aggression, calls come from the USA, Canada, and Western Europe to activate or otherwise recognize historical Black-Palestinian solidarity.

While there are certainly bases for this solidarity, often they are defined in the negative. The argument follows that our common oppressors–the imperialist USA and the Zionist genocidaires–collaborate in repressing our movements through joint police training exercises, weapons trade, colonialism, and criminalization of revolutionaries. This negative solidarity is based on the fact that our oppressors are in solidarity with one another, therefore we must do the same. Undoubtedly true, this argument does not get to the root of the issue.

Which Black people and Black movements are in solidarity with which Palestinian people and movements historically and in the contemporary juncture? The question must be asked again in light of Kenyan President Ruto’s statement in support of “Israel”, other African states’ relations with the colony, and the existence of groups like IBSI, which promote “Black-Israeli” solidarity. The question must be asked again, also, in order to clear the air and answer the fundamental question of politics and war posed by Mao Zedong: “who are our enemies? Who are our friends?”

In this article, I hope to look at concrete examples of Black-Palestinian solidarity, with an eye toward class and nation, which are often erased in the general call for Black solidarity with Palestine. This is done in order to define exactly what Black-Palestinian solidarity has been, is, and what it can be.

In 1964, Malcolm X (Al Hajj Malek El Shabazz) wrote a piece in the Egyptian Gazette, where he detailed the relationship between Zionism and imperialism.

“The Israeli Zionists are convinced they have successfully camouflaged their new kind of colonialism. Their colonialism appears to be more “benevolent” more “philanthropic” a system with which they rule simply by getting their potential victims to accept their friendly offers of economic “aid,” and other tempting gifts, that they dangle in front of the newly independent African nations, whose economies are experiencing great difficulties.”

The Honorable Malcolm X understood the international element of imperialism and its counterpart in the internationalist movements of the day. This statement is particularly true today as the Zionist regime is trying to dangle economic aid in the face of the Malawian government in exchange for migrant farm labor.

Martyr Malcolm continues:

“The number one weapon of 20th-century imperialism is Zionist Dollarism, and one of the main bases for this weapon is Zionist Israel. The ever-scheming European imperialists wisely placed Israel where it could geographically divide the Arab world, infiltrate and sow the seed of dissension among African leaders and also divide the Africans against the Asians.”


The imperialist strategy of “divide and conquer” is present in much of the early Zionist writing, which saw Palestine as the “gate to Africa and bridge to Asia.” The division of Arabs and Africans along racial lines and the conflation of pre-modern slavery in the Islamic world with American chattel slavery is part and parcel of this imperialist strategy.

Although Malcolm X did not live to see the 1967 war and its aftermath, the Black Panther Party took up this mantle of Black anti-Zionism after his martyrdom.

After the 1967 war against the Zionists, the plight of the Palestinians was injected into the consciousness of many anti-colonial groups worldwide. The Black Panther Party (BPP) in the USA made its first statement in support of Palestine in 1970, according to Dr. Greg Thomas.

The statement reads:

“We support the Palestinian’s just struggle for liberation one hundred percent. We will go on doing this, and we would like for all of the progressive people of the world to join in our ranks in order to make a world in which all people can live.”

The BPP was a Marxist-Leninist formation, inspired by the ideas of Juche in the DPRK, as well as other Marxist tendencies of the day. Their ideas of inter-communalism came in part from this revolutionary Marxist understanding, paired with their own revolutionary understanding of being members of the Black nation in the USA. Thomas continues, showing that the BPP was in “daily communication” with the PLO through their office of international affairs in revolutionary Algiers.

The Panthers’ second statement in 1974 not only called for a Zionist retreat to pre-67 borders but also called for a form of revolutionary inter-communalism and a “people’s republic of the Middle East.” Indeed, many Palestinian and Arab revolutionaries share this vision of a region liberated from Zionism, colonialism, and imperialism.

While revolutionary Black organizations after the Panthers continued to support Palestine vocally, the realities of COINTELPRO and mass incarceration have had a profound impact on the organization and scale of Black resistance inside this country. From his cell in “Ramon” prison, PFLP Secretary-General Ahmad Sa’adat highlights the prison as a tool of the oppressors and a site of struggle for the oppressed:

“From Ansar to Attica to Lannemezan, the prison is not only a physical space of confinement but a site of struggle of the oppressed confronting the oppressor. Whether the name is Mumia Abu-Jamal, Walid Daqqa or Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, political prisoners behind bars can and must be a priority for our movements.”

This statement by Sa’adat is written as part of the introduction to a new printing of Huey Newton’s book Revolutionary Suicide. Sa’adat continues in his introduction, stating that the message and necessity of the Black Panthers is still alive today with mass incarceration and police violence coloring the relationship between the police and the Black masses in America. While movements such as Cooperation Jackson exist today – headed by the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement and some former leaders of the Black Liberation Army – we cannot help but call for a rejuvenation and reuniting of revolutionary Black forces in this country after years of repression.

We must renew the calls for a Republic of New Afrika in the Black Belt as one possible solution to the political necessities of ending the settler colonial entity of the United States. Max Ajl comments in his response to Patrick Wolfe’s work on settler colonialism that “Palestinians from Hamas to the PFLP to Islamic Jihad are using land from which they forced settlers, as the physical land-base for an armed nationalist struggle.”

So while we Palestinians can and must learn from and collaborate with revolutionary Black movements worldwide, we must also shine as a beacon of light on the other side of the revolutionary field of action. Our liberation is incomplete without the liberation of Africa and the Black masses of the Americas.

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