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Hier — 24 avril 2024Presse

Juliet, one of Florida’s oldest manatees, dies aged 65

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À partir d’avant-hierPresse

Does the Gay Rights Movement Hold Lessons for Pro-Lifers?

Politics

Does the Gay Rights Movement Hold Lessons for Pro-Lifers?

There is no more notable precedent in recent years for an underdog cause toughing it out.

Annual March For Life Held In Washington, D.C.
(Photo by Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)

Same-sex marriage advocates lost 32 times in a row before November 2012, when several states then voted in their favor. Yet at no point during that extensive losing streak did they settle for a “compromise,” like civil unions or domestic unions, as their ultimate goal. Neither should we, pro-life Americans, settle for a compromise—in this case, a 15-week abortion ban that (in the words of a prominent presidential candidate) “everybody can live with.” 

After all, who is “everybody”? Progressives advocating for abortion at 40-weeks and denying healthcare to babies who survive an abortion? Conservatives who are simultaneously grateful to SCOTUS for effectively nullifying the bad science of 1973 but who still know that life begins at conception? Especially with Roe gone, a 15-week abortion ban that prevents only 3 percent of all abortions and essentially leaves us more pro-abortion than most of Europe is not winning. Winning is going all the way. 

After losing referendum after referendum, same-sex marriage advocates didn’t go away; they went for broke. Just three years after winning their first referendum, they achieved total victory on June 26, 2015 when the Supreme Court redefined marriage for all 50 states with Obergefell. And, less than a decade later, there is no meaningful political opposition to same-sex marriage. We must learn an essential lesson from our opposition’s success: a series of defeats at the ballot box does not mean ultimate triumph is impossible.

Fortunately, the winds are in our favor. People are waking up and rejecting the pseudo-science that has been shoved down our throats by an unholy alliance between radical activists and Big Pharma. Recently, the UK, Sweden, Norway, France, and other European nations pumped the brakes on drugging and mutilating children. Similarly, medical research reveals with increasing detail what we’ve already known to be true: Life begins at conception. Improved prenatal imaging and technology allow us to watch it with our own eyes. 

No number of weeks picked out of thin air is going to satisfy our adversaries. The anti-life left just wants us to believe that our righteous cause is politically pointless. But we will not go away. According to the latest polling, abortion is the top voting issue for between 5 and 12 percent of voters. There is no doubt this can impact an election in a closely divided America. But there is no way to know for sure if these voters are pro-choice or pro-life, or if, in the end, they’ll vote on another issue come November.

What we know for sure is that killing babies is evil. Due to that conviction, Republican candidates who flounder and fail to act courageously could lose support among pro-life voters. Donald Trump wouldn’t have won in 2016 without SCOTUS taking center stage following the passing of Justice Antonin Scalia. He needs that base to retake the White House, and that base, which resides well outside the Beltway, is nowhere near accepting 15 weeks in a post-Roe America. 

President Trump, like many Republicans, disappointed many pro-lifers after Dobbs. But he rightly corrected course by bailing on a 15-week ban. There should not be no such ban, federal or otherwise. Not because such a ban is too pro-life, but because it is not pro-life at all. Let’s trust the truth and go to work. 

The post Does the Gay Rights Movement Hold Lessons for Pro-Lifers? appeared first on The American Conservative.

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Arizona GOP Again Blocks Effort to Repeal 1864 Abortion Law but Senate Clears Path

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The post Arizona GOP Again Blocks Effort to Repeal 1864 Abortion Law but Senate Clears Path appeared first on Breitbart.

Nike’s Layoffs Prove the Olympics Can’t Solve Its Midlife Crisis

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Scientists Predict Most Extensive Coral Bleaching Event on Record

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Bleached coral off the Keppel Islands, Australia, at the southern end of the Great Barrier Reef, last month.

Ikea’s New Range Is Stealth Mode for Gamers

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Trump’s Lesson for Pro-Lifers

Politics

Trump’s Lesson for Pro-Lifers

The rules of democracy require abortion opponents to embrace, for now, moderation like Donald Trump’s.

Wilkes-barre,,Pa,-,August,2,,2018:,President,Donald,Trump,With

Donald Trump has done more for the pro-life cause than any other president. As promised, he appointed the Supreme Court Justices who overturned Roe v. Wade. Yet abortion opponents are unhappy with the former president, who recently declined to endorse a federal abortion ban. Mike Pence, who served as Trump’s vice-president, called the remarks a “slap in the face.” Lila Rose, the leader of anti-abortion group Live Action, concluded that “President Trump is not a pro-life candidate.”

This conflict reflects a longer-running tension between abortion opponents and the former president. Styling himself as a consummate deal-maker, Trump has a pragmatic way of talking about issues that other politicians discuss in more principled terms. He has repeatedly bragged that he “put the pro-life movement in a strong negotiating position” by appointing the justices who reversed Roe. As one abortion opponent put it, Trump’s message to pro-life Americans is, “I’ve given you leverage now to make a better deal.”

Grateful as pro-lifers are for Trump’s appointments, they find this way of speaking about abortion unsatisfying: A right to life shouldn’t be subject to negotiation. But Trump’s approach accords with what once would have been called democratic habits of mind. When a political debate is framed in terms of rights, the compromises that are natural to democratic life will appear illegitimate.

Trump’s raw rhetoric and deviation from the bipartisan consensus on trade, immigration, and foreign policy have led some to view him as an “extremist.” His refusal to concede defeat in the 2020 election, culminating in the events of Jan. 6, was taken by many to confirm recurring claims that he was a threat to democracy.

Such criticisms obscure the fact that Trump’s policy views on immigration and social issues resemble those of Clinton-era Democrats. His opposition to free trade and nation-building foreign policy, meanwhile, may be closer to the views of the median voter than are the views he rejects.

Even after his remarks on abortion, liberal journalists and anti-Trump Republicans remain reluctant to acknowledge him moderation. Some continued to paint him as an extremist—or at least the leader of an extremist coalition. “Trump and his allies will do everything in their power to ban abortion nationwide, with or without a Republican majority in Congress,” Jamelle Bouie wrote in The New York Times.

A more inventive response came from Bill Kristol, who cited Trump’s abortion moderation as proof that Trump is, yes, a fascist. “This is classic authoritarianism. (See Eco on Ur-Fascism).” Umberto Eco describes fascism as “a fuzzy totalitarianism, a collage of different philosophical and political ideas, a beehive of contradictions.” So Trump’s very moderation, his refusal to endorse federal restrictions on abortion, is a sign that he is advancing a nefarious ideology.

When it comes to contradictory political stances, Kristol knows whereof he speaks. The enthusiastic promoter of Sarah Palin and unrelenting critic of Donald Trump, the high-toned opponent of public recognition of homosexuality turned unapologetic advocate for LGBT rights, Kristol himself might be described as a beehive of contradictions.

If Trump’s abortion statement left his critics on the left casting about for a line of criticism, not always convincingly, it raised more serious questions for the right. When Roe v. Wade was in force, abortion opponents eagerly framed their cause in democratic terms. They decried “the judicial usurpation of politics,” as a famous symposium in First Things put it, and hoped that their preferred policies would one day be enacted by a “moral majority.”

This democratic vision of pro-life politics has been weakened by a number of developments. Declining religiosity and rising social liberalism have led many on the right to recognize that they constitute a moral minority—certainly one of the nation’s most important political blocs, one almost completely unrepresented in most elite institutions, but a minority nonetheless.

Meanwhile, the nation’s rapid embrace of gay rights seemed to teach some conservatives a non-democratic lesson in social change. Democratically enacted referenda were knocked down by courts, changing not only the law but—in conjunction with political leaders, business executives, and media properties—public attitudes. “The law is a teacher” became a refrain on certain parts of the right.

The reversal of Roe v. Wade would seem to be an opportunity for this non-democratic idea of social change. But as Darel Paul pointed out in Compact, counter-majoritarian political strategies will be difficult to pursue when the wealthiest and most educated classes—those best positioned to wield legal, economic, and cultural power on behalf of an unpopular view—are opposed.

In this context, Trump’s moderation may be the best the opponents of abortion can hope for. Ryan Williams, president of the Claremont Institute, defended Trump’s statement, saying, “The pro-life movement needs to take its bearings from Lincoln, not William Lloyd Garrison.” It is a wise remark. Lincoln’s statesmanship, not Garrison’s radicalism, led to the triumph of the anti-slavery cause. Lord Charnwood, Lincoln’s great biographer, observed that Lincoln’s approach to slavery involved “watching and waiting while blood flows, suspending judgment, temporizing, making trial of this expedient and of that.” Lincoln’s attitude toward slavery was less radical than Garrison’s; he succeeded by implementing “a policy of deadly moderation towards it.” A little deadly moderation may be just what the pro-life movement needs.

The post Trump’s Lesson for Pro-Lifers appeared first on The American Conservative.

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Nebraska Democrat Censured for Pro-Life Views Before Switching to Republican Party

The Nebraska Democrat party censured State Sen. Mike McDonnell on March 2 for his pro-life views and his refusal to comply with the transgender activist agenda, before he ultimately switched to the Republican Party on Wednesday.

The post Nebraska Democrat Censured for Pro-Life Views Before Switching to Republican Party appeared first on Breitbart.

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