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This is a good video. For all those that still blame Russia because Syria fell, Leith said that Russia owns the South of Syria. Russia has direct control and is the Kingmaker in Syria. Nothing moves, if Russia does not allow it.
From Resistance News Unfiltered
By lecridespeuples
Note: The first part of this speech, not translated here, paid tribute to Sayed Abbas Ali Moussaoui, a Lebanese scholar who passed away the previous week. In the political section translated below, Naim Qassem is more virulent than ever, mocking the Lebanese government for its betrayal, servility, and impotence—at least between the lines, as Hezbollah has always remained committed to national unity, even in the midst of storms.
Source : naimkassem.com.lb
Translation: resistancenews.org
[…] Thirdly, on August 28, 2017, the Ersal plateau (on the Lebanese-Syrian border) was liberated during the battle of Fajr al-Jouroud. This battle, led by the Lebanese army in cooperation with the Islamic Resistance—Hezbollah—achieved this great victory.
We recall here that this battle against the Takfiris, ISIS, and their allies was waged on the firm decision of the former President of the Republic, General Michel Aoun. This bold and courageous man made the decision to launch the battle of Fajr al-Jouroud, despite U.S. pressure opposing any cooperation between the Army and the Resistance. Nevertheless, he insisted on waging this battle, and coordination was established between Hezbollah and the Lebanese army command, represented at the time by General Joseph Aoun, who cooperated fully. This is therefore an example of a defensive strategy, in which the Resistance serves as support to the Lebanese army in major liberation missions.
Fourth, Israel bombed Yemen. As usual, it struck civilian facilities and killed civilians. It targeted electricity, buildings, residents, and innocent people. Israel is the greatest criminal there is. Israel, which is committing genocide in Gaza before the eyes of the whole world—could we expect anything other than these crimes in Yemen?
See Assassination of Yemeni Ministers: How the Media Normalizes Israel’s Crimes
But here we salute dear Yemen, which has taken a heroic, exceptional, and rare stance in the eyes of the whole world, and which will go down in history as the only one to have stood up with such firmness and pride to support the people of Gaza and Palestine.
Where are the Arabs? Where are the Muslims? Where is the free world to stand with Gaza? In any case, it is this position that will lead to victory, God willing. However arrogant Israel may be, this entity will eventually fall, God willing.
I now come to the political section of my speech, which I will divide into three parts.
First: Lebanon must restore its sovereignty over its territory. All the problems we suffer from stem from the Israeli enemy and the occupation, as well as from U.S. support for Israel, which covers up all the violations against Lebanon and perpetuates occupation and aggression.
If we want to solve our problems in Lebanon, we need a starting point. And that starting point is to restore national sovereignty: to put an end to all aggression, to obtain Israel’s withdrawal from the occupied territories, to begin reconstruction, and to free the prisoners. Without this starting point, we will not be able to solve our problems.
The current government has a responsibility to develop a political, media, military, and operational plan to restore sovereignty. There can be no stability without sovereignty, no development without sovereignty, no recovery without sovereignty. Sovereignty is the absolute priority, and the government must assume this task and this responsibility.
I call on the Lebanese government to hold intensive discussions on how to restore sovereignty and to study plans and programs: diplomacy, arming the Lebanese army, decisions on war and peace, national security strategy, defense strategy, and anything else that can help the government restore the sovereignty of this country.
I also call on the parties, elites, and influential figures in Lebanon to assist the government in its deliberations and in developing plans. Publish your proposals on social media and in the press, and send them to the government so that it can see that there are many feasible suggestions that can be taken up.
Devote this week to this task. Let us say from Monday (the 25th) to Sunday (August 31): devote this week to submitting proposals to the government. Demand it—even if you flood them with suggestions. The government and the ministers have websites and social media accounts: inundate them with your proposals. Challenge them, urge them, tell them you are present. Fill the screens and the media with demands for sovereignty. This is an essential condition that must be met.
Write articles, spread the word about this priority. And even if foreigners are disturbed by your national and sovereign spirit, which permeates all of Lebanon, do not abandon the Lebanese stage, do not abandon the Lebanese sphere, do not abandon the Lebanese media—so long as sovereignty is not the fundamental demand toward which the government is working.
I have chosen a slogan that may be suitable for dissemination: “We demand that the Lebanese government restore national sovereignty.” I repeat: “We demand that the Lebanese government restore national sovereignty.”
Let us work under this slogan for at least one week, so that this government feels that we are with it on sovereignty, and that it is responsible for working to achieve this sovereignty.
I know that some of our brothers will reproach me for this and say: “You should have given us this slogan earlier, so that we could prepare ourselves, act in a certain way, and be present on a general level.” In reality, I preferred to propose this slogan in this way, so that the result next week would be spontaneous and natural, and would reflect the interest of the people and of all forces in the issue of national sovereignty.
Secondly, I have heard a number of analysts and parties claim that the Resistance has fulfilled its mission and no longer has a reason to exist. Why? According to them, it is because it can no longer deter the Israeli enemy or inflict heavy losses on it, and therefore there would be no need for it to protect the country as it has done for more than forty years.
It seems they neither understand the meaning of the Resistance nor what it accomplishes. Today, I will speak to you about what the Resistance is.
The Resistance is aimed at defense and liberation. The Resistance is the people and its inhabitants. The Resistance is faith and will. The Resistance is homeland and honor. The Resistance is pride and perseverance. This Resistance is the very opposite of humiliation, capitulation, submission, and acceptance of foreign diktats. That is what the Resistance is.
The Resistance is the sacrifice of blood, money, wounds, and imprisonment. The Resistance is not the army of a state, but the support of the national army. It does not replace it, but strengthens and assists it, and the army remains the primary force responsible for the defense of the homeland. This army must be armed, supported, and entrusted with this responsibility: it is the army that must protect the country. The Resistance is an auxiliary factor.
According to this definition, the Resistance has not lost its mission. We hear people say: “The Resistance did not protect against aggression, and the proof is what happened.” But what are these (nonsensical) words? Who said that the Resistance prevents aggression? The Resistance was born to confront aggression. Why does it exist? Because aggression exists, and it is a reaction to that aggression.
They say: “Israel attacks, and you have not been able to prevent the aggression.” My brother: we confront the aggression, we do not prevent it. To prevent aggression, there must be repeated clashes, heavy losses inflicted on the enemy, sacrifices and patience, and cooperation between the Army, the People, and the Resistance to confront the enemy. Only after some time can we establish an equation that deters enemy aggression.
But the essence of the Resistance is to confront aggression, not to prevent it. It cannot say: “As the Resistance, I will prevent all aggression.” The aggressor will inevitably attack. The Resistance is the reaction to that aggression. The Resistance confronts aggression, repels it, expels the enemy, and obstructs its objectives. That is the Resistance. It does not prevent aggression if the enemy has decided to attack, but it confronts it. I will explain where the misunderstanding lies.
In Lebanon, we have an exceptional Resistance—great, effective, victorious, and dazzling in the eyes of the world. For it has succeeded, in a way unmatched by any other Resistance movement in the world, in truly deterring Israel. From 2006 to 2023, a span of 17 years, this Resistance kept Israel at bay: Israel did not dare approach. This is an unprecedented achievement. Ordinarily, resistance entails a constant back-and-forth, unceasing battles, until Israel withdraws. But in the case of Hezbollah and all the honorable resistance fighters who comprise and support it, we succeeded—thanks to the triad of Army–People–Resistance—in deterring Israel for 17 years. And before that, for six years, from 2000 to 2006, there was already a form of deterrence. And before that, in 2000, Israel withdrew without an agreement, without conditions: an extremely rare occurrence in the history of resistance movements.
The Resistance has therefore accomplished exceptional, unprecedented results. After such achievements, can we settle for less? Should we accept the disappearance of the Resistance? What is the alternative? It is to surrender to Israel, to capitulate before Israel, to abandon your capabilities and your potential. That is the alternative.
What happened in the past, what Hezbollah accomplished in Lebanon, is a divine providence that resistance movements usually fail to attain. Let it be clear: Israel can occupy, destroy, and kill. But we will confront it with defense and sacrifice, so that it does not entrench itself and achieve its objectives. We are capable of this, and it will continue.
Without the Resistance, Israel could have reached the capital Beirut, as it reached Damascus. Without the Resistance, it would have occupied 600 km² of Lebanon, as it did recently in Syria. But it is held back on just a few hills by the Resistance. Do you think Israel is satisfied with these five hills, which have now become seven? No: it has a plan for the future, it is pursuing an occupation tactic. If it is limited to these hills (for now), it is because the Resistance has deterred it from going further—just as it deterred it from advancing and launching a large-scale invasion, and from continuing its aggression as before.
Today, the Resistance does not only have a mission, but a greater, even more essential one. It will remain an impenetrable bulwark preventing Israel from reaching its objectives. Israel will not be able to maintain its presence in Lebanon, nor to realize its expansionist project across Lebanon.
God the Almighty says: “Our Word has already been pronounced concerning Our servants, the messengers: they will surely be supported, and Our armies will undoubtedly prevail.” (Qur’an 37:171–173)
Thirdly and finally: the Lebanese government has taken the disastrous decision to disarm the Resistance and the people of the Resistance, while Israeli aggression and expansionist ambitions continue, under the nefarious supervision of the United States. This government decision is unconstitutional, and it was taken under the dictates of the United States and Israel. If this government persists in this course, it will have betrayed Lebanon’s sovereignty—unless it reverses its decision. And to reverse this decision would be a virtue.
See Naim Qassem: Calls to Disarm Hezbollah are Unconstitutional and Only Serve Israel
As for U.S. action, we regard it as an enterprise to destroy Lebanon, an incitement to discord. Until now, the United States has imposed sanctions on Lebanon. To this day, they deprive us of gas. They work day and night to obstruct reconstruction and to block the arrival of aid promised by various countries that have publicly declared their readiness to support Lebanon, but who are prevented from doing so because the United States does not want Lebanon to recover.
The United States provides the Lebanese army with just enough weapons to wage internal battles, but it denies it access to weapons that would enable it to confront Israel. Such weapons are forbidden. The United States prevents the country from obtaining the weaponry that would protect it.
So what, then, are the United States doing? Some extol their merits and claim that they are “doing good.” But what are they really doing? May God damn them: they are “doing good” for themselves—they are plundering the country. Since the events of 2019, nearly six years ago, they have been working day and night. All the unrest, consequences, disruptions, and collapse that have struck the country have been orchestrated and supervised by them. They sent people to meet with NGOs to teach them how to protest. And if the protests had no effect on the country or the government, there was no objection to blood being shed—because, according to them, blood spilled during protests contributes to creating revolutionary and fundamental solutions and paves the way to success.
The United States, which interferes in Lebanon’s affairs, is not trustworthy; it even poses a danger to Lebanon. Trump wants to establish an economic zone in Gaza and expel its inhabitants; and now, according to Axios, he wants to create an economic zone in southern Lebanon to drive out its inhabitants and hand it over to the Israeli entity. Netanyahu wants “Greater Israel,” which would encompass Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt, in addition to Palestine—all of Palestine. Do you not hear what they are saying? Have you not seen what they have done lately? Have you not learned from the outcomes? You want to remove the weapons that liberated the country? Then stop the aggression! If you want to extend your sovereignty, stop the aggression! If you are acting in Lebanon’s interest, why disarm the Resistance?
You stand against those who sacrificed ten thousand mujahideen—men, women, children, and the elderly—over the past decades, and especially during the period of the Al-Aqsa Flood and afterward, around five thousand martyrs, foremost among them the master of the martyrs of the Ummah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah—may God have mercy on him—as well as (his successor) Al-Safi al-Hashimi, the commanders, the martyrs, and the people. All of them offered their sacrifices for Lebanon’s dignity and sovereignty. And now you would cast it all aside? Would you confront those who liberated the country? Instead of standing behind them? Instead of supporting them? Instead of relying on them, as was the case during the battle of Fajr al-Juroud and throughout the previous struggle?
Know this: we will not abandon the weapons that made us proud. We will not abandon the weapons that protect us from our enemy. We will not allow Israel to roam freely in our country, killing resistance fighters and seizing the South. Remember that those who served Israel’s project were not served by Israel. The experience of Lahad and Haddad (Lebanese collaborators during Israel’s occupation of the country, abandoned at Liberation) proves this.
So let us remain united and cooperate. These weapons are our soul, our honor, our land, our dignity, and the future of our children. We are all united on this land: Hezbollah, the Amal Movement, the allied forces, the Lebanese people, the inhabitants of the South, the Bekaa, Mount Lebanon, the North, the suburbs of Beirut, and Beirut itself. Our supporters are numerous: they represent more than half of the Lebanese people, not to mention the influential political forces. Together, they protect the weapons to protect Lebanon, the Lebanese Resistance, the inhabitants, the people, and the dignity of Lebanon. Whoever wants to disarm us wants to tear out our soul. And if that happens, then the world will see our strength. And never will we choose humiliation (slogan of Imam Hussein).
You ask, “What should we do?” The roadmap is before you. Expel the enemy from our land. Expel them, end the aggression, free the prisoners, and begin reconstruction. That is the roadmap. Then, after that, come and discuss the defensive strategy.
Regarding the Lebanese prisoners held in Israel, see this sharp Hezbollah statement from August 21:
We, along with the Lebanese people, were surprised by the announcement from the Israeli enemy that it had received an Israeli from the Lebanese authorities in a unilateral step, during which Lebanon did not recover any of its citizens held captive by the enemy. This raises deep questions and suspicions about the negligence of the authorities and their failure to seize the available opportunity to carry out a prisoner exchange with the other side.
What the Lebanese authorities have done in this matter is condemned, reprehensible, and shocking to the people. It must be subject to questioning and accountability by the relevant parties, as it reflects recklessness and irresponsibility by those who managed this highly important national file in such sensitive circumstances.
What has happened clearly and blatantly reveals the failure of the responsible authority to assume its responsibilities properly, especially in such a serious and critical matter as the file of prisoners and detainees in the enemy’s prisons. This has caused deep shock to their families and loved ones and sent a message of shame and betrayal to them and to the Lebanese people — that their state is indifferent and fails to utilize its cards of strength, squandering them freely, while the occupying enemy persists in committing its crimes, aggressions, and violations.
The officials concerned in the authority must clarify to the Lebanese people, particularly the families of the prisoners, the full truth of what has occurred. Moreover, the competent judicial and security authorities must open a comprehensive investigation to reveal what truly happened so that the necessary measures can be taken accordingly.
Hezbollah Media Relations
Thursday, 21 August 2025
Some have said: “One step from us, one step from them. And you, as a party, begin with one step.” But everything we have accomplished in eight months, and since the ceasefire, everything we have offered in the South (the disarmament of Hezbollah south of the Litani River)—is that not already a step? Do you trust this Israeli enemy? And the United States that supports it? They are not trustworthy. So: no “one step from us for one step from you.” No to this process that calls only for concessions (from Hezbollah and Lebanon, with nothing conceded in return). Let them implement the ceasefire agreement, let them fulfill their obligations, and then we will discuss the defensive strategy.
The young Akhtal, a Lebanese poet (1885–1968, whose real name was Saïd Aql Richa), said:
Those who died have an excuse, not those who surrendered.
If glory is destroyed and the fortress desecrated,
So it is with building the glory of a homeland:
Whether for the one who wields the sword or the one who wields the pen.
So respect what we have agreed upon, O government, for we will hold you accountable for what you have promised us. Constrain Israel, stand firm! Do not turn your back and say: “We are under pressure.” Tell them: “We cannot.” Tell them: “The situation is difficult.” My brother, who is asking you to confront us when you are not capable of doing so? They are asking you to kill your family, to destroy your country and your forces, and you reply: “At your command”? Is that even conceivable? No—do not say “At your command”!
And even if you do say “At your command,” you are not capable of carrying it out! It is better and more honorable to say from the outset that you are not capable, rather than to show later that you are incapable. If you tell them: “We cannot,” do not be afraid, do not fear for your seats. Your seats are guaranteed. They will find no one better than you (in subservience), nor anyone else to replace you. If you act as heroes and with courage, be assured that they will be left with no alternative. And even if others came, they would be able to do nothing.
So be courageous and stand firm. We will support you in this noble position. We will be with you. Together we will build our homeland with our means and our capacities. How sweet it is to eat bread earned by the sweat of one’s brow, and how bitter it is (for a guest) to eat refined dishes while (oppressive) feet crush his head.
May God honor you with His glory, and may He abase the unworthy.
And may peace be upon you, as well as God’s mercy and His blessings.
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Speech by Hezbollah Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem, on August 5th, 2025.
Delivered during the 40-day memorial ceremony for Major General Mohammad Saeed Izadi (“Hajj Ramadan”), who headed the Palestine portfolio within Iran’s Quds Force and was martyred in Qom, Iran, during the 12‑Days War against Israel.
This segment of the speech, delivered on the same day the Lebanese cabinet was set to discuss Hezbollah’s disarmament, focuses entirely on Lebanon’s internal political situation.
—
Notes: The issue of disarming Hezbollah at this stage is a purely staged issue. Ali al-Miqdad, member of Hezbollah’s Loyalty to the Resistance bloc, told Sputnik on Tuesday there has been a “media and political hype” around the session, aimed at portraying it “as pivotal or historic.”
Hezbollah has done what was asked of it for the initial ceasefire agreement. Israel is still attacking Lebanon and has not done what it is required to do, according to the agreement. Hezbollah is also now part and parcel of the governance of Lebanon to a greater extent than before the ceasefire. Hezbollah and Amal ministers reportedly withdrew from the meeting over disagreements regarding the state monopoly on weapons. The simple fact is that the Lebanese military cannot defend Lebanon. Hezbollah can.
The question is often asked: ‘What is Hezbollah doing?’. They are rebuilding their strength and fulfilling their traditional role. For example, social support like small loans (their community bank was deliberately closed), the reparation of war damage in the South, strengthening their weapons ratlines again, and fulfilling the role of governance against the planted lackeys in the Lebanese government. Naim Qassem quite rightly asks when Israel will fulfill its agreed-upon tasks in the peace agreement. The short answer is that they are not. The purpose of this speech is to remove the confusion deliberately created for the ordinary Lebanese. The methodology that is followed to disable Hezbollah is often called ‘salami slicing’.
Former Hezbollah Minister Moustafa Bayram: A state that cannot defend me and wants to strip me of my means to defend myself is taking part in my murder!
—
With thanks to Resistance News
By lecridespeuples on 6 August 2025
Source: naimkassem.com.lb
[…] Let me now turn to the internal political situation. On this matter, I will address five key points.
First: What is the roadmap for building Lebanon and establishing stability? We believe that three fundamental principles are indispensable for building Lebanon:
1/ To share and cooperate within the framework of national unity, so that we become of one heart in the effort to revive Lebanon. This means partnership and cooperation.
2/ To set priorities that impact and establish the entire structure of Lebanese reality, rather than becoming preoccupied with superficial matters and external demands.
3/ To reject any form of tutelage, American or otherwise, because submitting to tutelage nullifies our capabilities and achievements and diverts us from our intended path.
Thus, we believe that building Lebanon requires firmly establishing these three principles:
As for the ceasefire agreement concluded on November 27, 2024, it was an indirect agreement to cease Israeli aggression and its consequences. It was reached indirectly between the Lebanese state and the Israeli enemy. This agreement highlighted the close and exceptional cooperation between the Resistance (Hezbollah) and the state. That is, the Resistance facilitated all procedures required of the state under the agreement without causing friction, delay, disputes, or incidents.
On the contrary, for eight months, Hezbollah and the Resistance in general fully abided by the decisions and procedures of the Lebanese state, including the government, the Lebanese army, the presidency, and all relevant institutions. There was not a single violation in confronting the Israeli enemy, nor any failure to comply with the Lebanese army or cooperate with the state.
This is a model of how the Resistance can cooperate with the state when there is consensus, shared belief, and unity of purpose.
In contrast, Israel reneged on the agreement, failed to comply, and committed thousands of violations. And to be clear with you: what happened in Syria had a significant influence on Israel’s actions. Israel regretted the wording of the agreement, believing it granted Lebanon and Hezbollah the ability and potential to sustain their power in Lebanon. So they decided, “No, let’s continue here as we do in Syria. Let’s apply the same approach in Lebanon.” Hence, they now seek to alter the agreement, and they never abided by in the first place.
Lebanon’s interest lies in reclaiming its sovereignty, independence, and freedom. Israel’s interest is to weaken Lebanon in order to dominate its trajectory. Today, as officials, Resistance, people, army, and all concerned parties, our goal is to serve Lebanon’s interests, not Israel’s.
As for the Americans: the U.S. did not come to offer a new agreement. Whoever reads the proposal brought by (U.S. special envoy to Lebanon Thomas) Barrack will see that it is not an agreement; it is a set of dictates. It seeks to strip Hezbollah and Lebanon of all power and capability, to disarm the Resistance, and to deprive the people of their strength. In other words, it aims to leave Lebanon completely exposed before the Israeli entity.
What Barrack has proposed serves Israel’s interest entirely. I would like to quote some excerpts from the third memorandum, which is worse than the first and second.
Barrack’s memorandum to the Lebanese government states:
“Phase Two extends from 15 to 60 days.”
That is, in the first 15 days, under the pretense of ending aggression and similar titles, but it is only deception.
“From day 15 to day 60, disarmament must occur.”
They provide examples to clarify.
“It concerns mortars, rocket launchers, hand grenades and explosives, incendiary rockets, air-to-ground and ground-to-ground weapons, weapons causing mass casualties, biological and chemical weapons, and drones, all of which must be dismantled throughout the entire country within 30 days.”
Meaning: by days 15 to 30, we’re already at day 45, all capabilities must be dismantled and handed over to the Lebanese state. These are not heavy weapons. These are not even medium weapons. They are asking for the hand grenades. They want to confiscate launchers like mortars, which are considered light, conventional weapons, commonly possessed by (Lebanese) clans and various factions as readily as bread. We carry pistols, but they carry RPGs, mortars, grenades, and the like.
He says: all of this must be dismantled within 30 days. Better yet — put it in quotation marks — because someone might say: “Brother, it’s hard to dismantle all this in just 30 days.” No, thank God, they are reasonable and understanding. He replies: “What’s required is dismantling 50% of the (military) infrastructure by the 30th day.”
We were discussing this with one of the military leaders, and I asked him: “Who even knows what 50% means? They don’t even know what 100% is.” This is a trap. Tomorrow, they’ll come and say: “No, what you dismantled doesn’t amount to 50%.” Even if you were to dismantle up to 99%, they’d say: “You haven’t reached 50%.” We know the Israelis. We know how they operate.
If all of this is done, where will we be? At day 45. What happens then? Barrack says: “Israel will begin withdrawing from the five (occupied) points.” He says: “The success of Phase Two will facilitate withdrawal from three points.” Since there are five points, Israel will withdraw from all five, but to start with, it will withdraw from at least three points so that we can proceed to Phase Three, which spans from 60 to 90 days. At that point, we’ll begin discussing the release of prisoners.
What is this called? This is called: stripping Lebanon of its military capability by disarming its Resistance and preventing the Lebanese army from possessing weapons—except insofar as they serve an internal function and have no impact on Israel whatsoever. This is what is required to be implemented. Let us hypothetically accept that this memorandum proceeds: but what if Israel doesn’t even implement this hollow provision?
He said, “There are consequences for violations”—meaning, whether Israel violates it or Lebanon does. So what are the consequences for an Israeli violation? He said, “Condemnation by the UN Security Council and reviews of non-military engagement.” As the saying goes: “They told the liar: ‘Swear!’ He said: ‘By God, it came… but God took it with Him!'” (When a liar gets cornered, he doubles down.)
Are we now supposed to bet on the honesty of the Americans and the Israelis? And if we ask them to swear, will that make any difference? Are you offering guarantees? In any case, the Americans have already said, “There are no guarantees.” So what do we do if Israel oversteps its limits? File a complaint with the Security Council? Fine, go ahead—but in the end, you’re saying: “Israel’s hand remains free, even after all these concessions!”
On the other hand, what happens to Lebanon if, hypothetically, it fails to comply? They say: “Suspension of conditional military aid and economic sanctions.” But you’ve already destroyed Lebanon with economic sanctions and military aid since 2019 until now, and you’ve given nothing. The United States has disavowed everything related to the Israeli entity. What aid has America provided? What assistance has come from Arab countries or others? Has anyone given anything at all?
So what the memorandum demands is the dismantling of Lebanon’s strength in exchange for a partial, unguaranteed withdrawal—and negotiations between two sides with a severe power imbalance. What happened to the path we agreed on in the initial agreement? It means that the first agreement has been nullified, Israel has been absolved of all its violations, and we’ve entered a new tunnel labeled “A new agreement.”
We reject any new agreement other than the existing agreement between the Lebanese state and the Israeli entity. Let them implement the current agreement first, and only then can they talk about whatever they want.
Second point: anything that is related to Lebanon—any timetable proposed for implementation under the shadow of Israeli aggression—we cannot agree to it. Because a timetable implies commitment to an obligation while aggression is still ongoing. How can you set a timetable and fix deadlines requiring us to act, when the Israelis have done nothing so far?
Are we supposed to enter into negotiations or surrender our weapons without dialogue, without national consensus, without a defense strategy? This is wrong. We cannot accept that Lebanon commits to gradually surrendering its strength while all the cards remain in the hands of the Israeli enemy.
Second: What are they telling us today? “We are forced to remove the pretexts.” Why? “Because there is external pressure—funding is being withheld, sanctions are being imposed.” But have they given us anything in the first place? What benefit is funding to us if it comes at the cost of losing our independent decision-making, our violated sovereignty, continued occupation of our land, and the denial of all options? What is the value of this funding they might give us? It is worthless. Because we would become underlings, followers, slaves. And we do not accept to be slaves—not to America, not to certain Arab regimes, and not to any being on the face of the earth.
What do you say? External pressure? They’re withholding funding? Let them withhold it! They’re already withholding it. Is there any funding to begin with? Have they ever given us anything? Every time they say: “Once you implement this, we’ll give you something.” This is not something anyone should submit to. Let them issue all the threats they want.
They say, “They’re frightening us with (the threat of) war and escalation of the aggression.” I ask you: Why is Israel currently relying on this strategy of limited aggression and American political pressure, rather than launching a full-scale war? Because it’s in Israel’s interest to avoid full-scale war. Because if war erupts, the Resistance will defend itself, the army will defend itself, and the people will defend themselves. That defense will lead to missiles falling within the Israeli entity, and the entire security system they’ve built over eight months will collapse in an hour. And who knows how long it would take them to rebuild it?
So, it is in their interest not to wage a major war, so they don’t have to face the Resistance’s retaliation and defense. This is their interest, and that’s how they think. So don’t be too intimidated by them. They can launch a war at any moment anyway. Why? If you surrender everything, will that stop the aggression? No—it will not stop. Because they will then hold everything in their hands. On the contrary, if we are left with nothing, the likelihood of aggression and (war) crimes will only increase tenfold—more than ever before. If we are left with nothing, who will protect Lebanon and the Lebanese people?
Did you not hear (Israeli) Finance Minister Smotrich? He’s a leading figure in the Israeli government. He said: “The Israeli army will not withdraw from the five points in southern Lebanon, and the villages destroyed by the Israeli army in southern Lebanon will not be rebuilt.” He is saying this openly to you. Yet some people among us say: “No, that’s not true. These are just words…” How could these be just words? Everything they’ve said, they’ve done. And even what they haven’t said, they’ve done. Therefore, if the international community really wants Lebanon to be stable—if stability in Lebanon matters to them—then rest assured: they will back down once Lebanon proves itself. And if Lebanon’s stability means nothing to them, then no matter what we offer, it will mean nothing. No one should believe this is a matter of what we’re offering.
Today, their support to the Lebanese army is minimal. Why? Because they view it as support limited strictly to internal matters. When it comes to Israel, there is no support. So this is not a real support.
In 2019, protests erupted, and change began in Lebanon. From 2019 until today, what have they been telling us? “Do what we ask, and we’ll give you this and that.” America—alongside some Arab countries—has exhausted Lebanon under the slogan: “Implement, and we will deliver.” Today, we have a president, a government, institutions in the making, and a stable domestic situation. The entire crisis we face today stems from the Israeli aggression.
Here, I return to the ministerial statement, because we always hear: “Let us return to the ministerial statement”—as though the Resistance is demanding positions outside those of the state. So, what does the ministerial statement actually say?
The third paragraph states:
“The first goal the government places before its eyes, and the noblest mission it commits to fulfilling, is to work toward the establishment of a state governed by law in all its aspects, to reform its institutions, and to fortify its sovereignty.”
Tell us, O Government: Where are you working to fortify sovereignty? Tell us, what practical measures have been taken to strengthen sovereignty? Is giving up arms considered a reinforcement of sovereignty? Is surrendering to Israel a reinforcement of sovereignty? Is handing over weapons to Israel—at its request, and at the request of the U.S. and some Arab countries—what is required at this stage? And will that bring sovereignty to Lebanon?
The fourth paragraph that follows states:
“The state we seek is one that fully assumes responsibility for the security of the country and the defense of its borders and frontiers—a state that deters aggressors, protects its citizens, and fortifies independence.”
So where is the deterrence of Israel? Where is the state that protects Lebanon from evil? Where is the responsibility for security in the face of the Israeli enemy? Where is the defense of the borders and frontiers?
You tell us that for now, you are powerless. If you are powerless, do not render yourselves even more powerless! You say, “Right now, we cannot,” and we say to you: “Take your time. Let us build capacity. Let us establish a military plan so that the army will have the military capabilities, the human resources, and the ability to confront the Israeli enemy if it attacks us or continues its occupation.”
Now, you state in your ministerial statement—in the fourth paragraph, meaning in its very introduction—that you want to preserve the defense of the borders and frontiers, and that this state will deter aggressors. So give me your program for deterring the aggressor. Give me a timetable for deterring the aggressor. Give me practical steps for deterring the aggressor. Where are they? It has been eight months, and there is still no deterrence. Nothing.
In the fifth paragraph, the Prime Minister has always boasted—and rightly so, for this paragraph is indeed very important, and we all take pride in it as he does. He took the paragraph from the (1989) Taif Agreement (also called the Taif Constitution, as it amended the Lebanese Constitution of 1926 in significant ways).
And what does Taif say?
“The government commits itself, in accordance with the National Reconciliation Document adopted in Taif”—and this is written explicitly in the ministerial statement—“to take all necessary measures to liberate all Lebanese territory from Israeli occupation and to extend the sovereignty of the state over all of its territory.”
The very first thing you must do is take all necessary measures to liberate Lebanese territory. What does “all measures” mean? It means the Army. It means the People. It means the Resistance. It means the political parties. When the country is threatened, all forces are responsible for defending it and confronting the threat. So, at the heart of Taif—at the heart of the National Accord, which you yourselves referenced in the ministerial statement that we all agreed on—you said:
“By taking all necessary measures to liberate all Lebanese territory from Israeli occupation.”
Show us: Where are those measures being implemented? Where are the actions that prove our readiness to confront the Israeli enemy?
The state must develop plans to confront pressure and threats, and to ensure protection—not strip its citizens of their strength and capacities, strip the Resistance of its strength and capabilities, and lose the sources of power that enable it to demand, negotiate, assert itself, confront aggression, liberate land, and establish real sovereignty for Lebanon. This is the role the state must fulfill.
This means that we must go to the Council of Ministers and place an item on the agenda: How do we confront Israeli aggression and protect our sovereignty? What are the practical steps? What is the timetable to achieve them? What are the sources of strength we can rely on? How do we involve the parties, the forces, the sects, the people, and all concerned in the process of defending Lebanon? How do we unite to expel Israel? How do we escalate pressure on the Israeli enemy through its complicit sponsors, or through any available means?
This is what must be done. We must put together a comprehensive program on this issue and set a timetable for it. This is the real priority—not the priority of disarming the Resistance to appease Israel, nor disarming the Resistance because America and some Arab countries are exerting all their efforts to pressure us into accepting that this is the priority.
They tell us: “What do you want with Israel? Even if it remains (as an occupier, we must disarm).” Where is (Lebanese) sovereignty? Are you working for Lebanon—or for someone else? If you are working for Lebanon, if you care about Lebanon, then you must support ending the aggression, ending the Israeli occupation, beginning reconstruction, and releasing the prisoners. After that, come and talk to us about whatever you wish. We will be ready.
And I say it clearly: The Resistance is part of the Taif Agreement—stipulated within the measures that must be taken by all means to protect Lebanon (the Taif Agreement called for the disarmament of militias, with the explicit exception of Hezbollah, considered a Resistance movement against Israeli occupation). A constitutional matter is not debated by a vote. A constitutional matter requires consensus and the participation of all segments of society to reach a common understanding.
Likewise, the abolition of political sectarianism requires broad consensus. So too does the abolition of the principle of numerical dominance in favor of sectarian distribution that reassures all sects—this too is a constitutional issue. And likewise, Resistance against Israel is a constitutional matter—one that must be discussed through consensus.
Let us open a national discussion about a defense strategy and national security strategy. National security goes far beyond the issue of weapons. It considers Lebanon’s strength—how to build it, how to consolidate it, how to accumulate and harness it in order to defend against and confront the Israeli enemy.
The strategy is not a timetable for disarmament. We were waiting for the day when we, as the Resistance, could sit down with the concerned parties to discuss the nature of the national security strategy. But it seems that they have set aside the national security strategy altogether, and the issue has become simply: “Hand over your weapons—there is no national security.” How is that acceptable? We reject this, because we consider ourselves a fundamental pillar of Lebanon. Therefore, the approach must be re-evaluated.
Third, we are committed to preserving cooperation between us and the three presidents (President of Lebanon Joseph Aoun, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri). We are committed to dialogue, to mutual understanding, and to cooperation—without one party pressuring another, and without someone feeling pressured then turning to pressure us internally. No. No one is under pressure. In the end, everyone knows that Lebanon is the root. Whatever benefits Lebanon, we must do it. It is unacceptable to let yourself be subjected to pressure and then ask us to relinquish our rights and sovereignty. That is fundamentally wrong. We and you must stand together. Tell the West, tell the Americans, tell all those exerting pressure: we have strengths and resources in Lebanon, and we want to come to an understanding among ourselves. You cannot force us.
We must also be wary of those who incite internal discord, those whose hands are stained with blood (Lebanese Forces, Kataeb), and those who serve the Israeli project—both inside and outside the country.
I urge you not to waste your time with the tempests stirred up by external dictates. Today, the entire country is confused from top to bottom. No one is at ease because Barrack came and threw down the first memorandum, the second, and the third. Come on, stand up (like a man)! What is the story? Every time someone speaks, or an Arab official comes to our officials and says, “Do this… or else…,” what does “or else” mean? “Or else there will be no money?” There has never been any money. And who are you to buy us with money?
What are you saying? This is a country—a country where sacrifices have been made, where blood has been shed. When it comes to Lebanon, we discuss Lebanon within Lebanon. No one outside Lebanon should discuss what we, as Lebanese, must do. No one imposes dictates upon us. We do not want to make agreements with anyone from outside. We want to come to agreements among ourselves—for our sovereignty and independence.
We, as Lebanese, will arrange our internal affairs through cooperation and mutual understanding. And let it be known: there will be no solution without consensus. This is a strategic, foundational issue. Let them implement the (ceasefire) agreement—and we will implement what serves our interests in Lebanon—through consensus among ourselves, through our institutions, through the army, and through the Resistance, which is an inseparable part of this fabric.
I tell you: Today, the Lebanese state is able to stand strong and declare to the international community that it is responsible for the southern and eastern borders (with Israel and Syria). Let them ask the Lebanese state to act if something happens on the southern or eastern borders. This is an eight-month experience of the Lebanese state. Nothing has happened on the southern border. The state also maintained control over the eastern border and prevented massacres, strife, and complications in those villages. The Lebanese state continues to carry out its full duties internally.
Tell the world: If the requirement is that Lebanon not interfere with anyone, then the Lebanese state guarantees that it will work to protect its borders and its sovereignty, and that it bears responsibility for what happens within. From within, it can stand before the world—and before you—with (this 8-months) experience. Let the international community hold Lebanon accountable if it fails. But let it not interfere to demand that Lebanon fulfill Israel’s goals—goals it could not achieve through war. No. No one can strip Lebanon of its power to protect its sovereignty, its policies, and its capacities. No one can prevent Lebanon from being proud. Keep this idea in your minds. Let it be your foundation.
We are a group that has given and sacrificed. The Lebanese have sacrificed. The army has sacrificed. The people have sacrificed greatly. No one should come and tell us that he is the one who will take care of us. That time is over.
Fourth, those who made sacrifices and liberated the land are more patriotic than those who tampered with the homeland and killed its citizens. No one should now come acting as if they are noble and pure, or try to play the role of the blameless and innocent. No. Everyone has a known history—and our history is known too. Our history lies with the master of the nation’s martyrs, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, may God have mercy on him, who departed to be with Almighty God as a great, brave, and valiant martyr. He gave to humanity—not only to Palestine and not only to Lebanon—what many others did not give.
We have this sacrifice. We have Sayyid al-Hashimi (Hashem Safi al-Din, Nasrallah’s assassinated successor). We have the martyred commanders. We have 5,000 martyrs in the Battle of Al-Aqsa-Flood and the Battle of The Mighty Ones (66-days war against Israel in from september to november 2024). We have 13,000 wounded as a result of these battles. We have destruction, displacement. All of this was offered to halt the aggression—and we did stop the aggression.
They asked us: What did you do? We stopped the aggression. That aggression would have reached Beirut. It would have seized everything. That aggression sought to change Lebanon’s character, its presence, its geography, its strategy, its future. The Resistance, the Army, and the People prevented the Israeli enemy from achieving its objectives—through these massive sacrifices.
You ask me: What we sacrificed made our situation more difficult. No. No. No. The Resistance is doing well: strong, proud, full of faith and resolve, and determined to be the master of its land—and for Lebanon to be independent, sovereign, and proud. The supporters of the Resistance are steadfast, patient, and united. The Resistance fighters are ready for the ultimate sacrifice. And the meaning of the ultimate sacrifice is known to all.
As for the great crown and the great banner—I was watching an episode yesterday, Monday, on Al-Manar TV about the wounded in the pager attacks. Are these people “wounded”? These are heroes. These are proud ones. These are living martyrs—witnesses against all those who have abandoned (Gaza). The wounded of the pager attacks, and all the wounded, are people of insight and determination.
Did you hear their words? Can you believe a young sister who has lost her sight (both eyes), yet she sees with her heart, her mind, her faith, and her courage—and she says she wants to specialize in artificial intelligence (AI was a key weapon in Israel’s ability to strike major blows against Hezbollah) and graduate with honors in the baccalaureate exams? What generosity! What resolve! Or the other who graduates with high distinction and says: “I want to study psychology to help people.”
Each one carries a different banner, but they are united by determination, by faith, by steadfastness. If Israel believes our wounded are out of the equation—no, our wounded are ablaze, our wounded are stepping forward, our wounded are advancing. By God, these examples are truly great.
See this English documentary about the pager terror attacks
Today, I want to say to you, O wounded of the pager attacks—all the wounded—I hope you will accept me as a companion walking the path with you. There can be no journey without you. The journey shines because of you, O wounded ones, O living martyrs, O generous souls—those who, when someone hears you speak, they say: here are cultured people, philosophers, lovers of God Almighty, people of exceptional and distinct insight, believers in the Wilayah (allegiance to the Imams after the Prophet), lovers of Muhammad and the family of Muhammad—may God’s prayers and peace be upon them all. This model cannot be defeated, nor can it be broken.
To those who wish to listen, I say: what do we have? We have these wounded who passed their exams. And here, I want to congratulate all those who succeeded in their exams—of all sects, denominations, and regions. But truly, the remarkable successes, with very good and excellent grades, achieved by the wounded of the pager attacks, are a great and important matter.
We also have the honorable patriots of Lebanon. Do not think that the Resistance is just Hezbollah and the Amal Movement. No. The Resistance includes political parties and forces, figures from various sects, from different political backgrounds, with varying ideologies—secular, religious, communist, and others. They all consider themselves part of the Resistance. We have this reserve, this vast and valuable reserve. Let no one assume our reserve is limited—no.
Know that our enemy is not all-powerful, and has not yet achieved its goals. It has not. Do not allow it to succeed through defeatism. My brother, do not be defeated. We are not defeated. Who gave you the right to speak on our behalf? Who told you to stand there, afraid of others? Be strong!
In any case, when someone pressures you, say to them: go refer to the Resistance—and then let’s see what we and they will do.
“O you who believe, be patient, and persevere, and remain steadfast, and fear God so that you may prosper.” (Qur’an, 3:200)
The title of this stage is: We are steadfast, and we will overcome this stage, God willing, and we will remain proud.
Know that this Resistance group—Amal Movement, Hezbollah, all the honorable Resistance fighters—alongside the Lebanese Army and the Lebanese people, will remain in the field, and they will triumph. These are the people of “Far from us is humiliation.” (Imam Hussein’s resolute declaration when faced with a choice between the sword and disgrace, affirming that an honourable death is better than a life of submission).
I conclude with the fifth point: Lebanon finds stability through all its people—not by favoring one group at the expense of another, nor one faction over others. In a stable, unified Lebanon, the state with all its components—including the Resistance—is one single entity. There are not two sides: one called the state and another called the Resistance. No. We are part of the state’s structure. The Resistance is part of the state’s structure.
Know that we are in agreement and in cooperation. Today, some are wagering that there is discord between Hezbollah and Amal. No, no, no, no. There is no discord. On the contrary, we are like peas in a pod—we understand each other, and we are at the heart of things, and if someone doesn’t like it, let them bang their head against the wall.
No one should think they can intimidate us, for those who possess dignity and Resistance can only be proud and strong—preserving their strength and protecting their people.
Know that in this battle today, either Lebanon—all of Lebanon—will win, or Lebanon—all of Lebanon—will lose. No one in Lebanon will win while another loses. No. Either we all win together, or we all lose together. And we are convinced that we can win together—and we can win together. But when the agents of sedition and some defeatists begin to stir up strife and complications, and exploit Lebanon for the sake of foreign interests, they are the ones who push Lebanon towards defeat. And if some among us prioritize their personal interests—interests that intersect with Israeli interests—above everything else, then they are responsible for whatever harm befalls Lebanon.
The problem is the aggression, not the weapons. Resolve the problem of aggression, and then we can talk about the weapons.
The solution lies in possessing the means of power—not in relinquishing them—and in relying on God and honorable people, not on the oppressive American wolf and its underlings. We must be lions to overcome this phase—not sheep, devoured without a trace.
“O you who believe, when you encounter a group, stand firm and remember Allah much, so that you may succeed. And obey God and His Messenger, and do not dispute, lest you fail and your strength depart. And be patient—indeed, God is with the patient.” (Qur’an, 8:45-46)
We will face foreign tutelage, American-Arab encroachment, and internal bullying. This is undoubtedly a dangerous stage in Lebanon’s independence—but we are stronger through independence, through the triad of the Army, the People, and the Resistance, and through national unity. This is what we will work toward.
Peace be upon you, and God’s mercy and blessings.
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“Either the U.S. lets Iran become nuclear, or the U.S. has to engage diplomatically.”
In this interview, Negar Razavi speaks with @vali_nasr about his new book, Iran’s Grand Strategy: A Political History — and the choices ahead for U.S. foreign policy.
It was pleasure to speak with Security in Context on my book Iran’s Grand Strategy https://t.co/7By3bceGnS
— Vali Nasr (@vali_nasr) July 16, 2025
“Professor Vali Reza Nasr is an Iranian-American academic and political scientist, specializing in Middle Eastern studies and the history of Islam. He is Majid Khaddouri Professor of International Affairs and Middle East Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, D.C.”
This eloquent expat may provide the most balanced and rational analysis to be seen in the West, even if must operate within rigid overton windows. Born in Tehran and understanding of the current Iranian world view and spirituality, he can look through their eyes and cogently present their point of view to us
WAR ON IRAN: Rania Khalek’s Dispatches w/ Elijah Magnier
Veteran war correspondent Elijah Magnier joins Rania Khalek for a special live episode of Dispatches to break down what just happened, what’s coming next, and whether the region is now spiraling into all-out war.
Israel has launched an all out war on Iran, with hundreds of strikes across the country on military, nuclear and civilian infrastructure as well as assassinations of military commanders and scientists. This shocking escalation comes as the U.S. publicly distances itself, even as prominent American politicians cheer it on and while Washington pretended to pursue nuclear negotiations with Tehran.
Ed. comments:
Full Speech by Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem on May 25, 2025, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Liberation of Southern Lebanon
Introduction
- Resistance and Liberation Day
- The Current Situation
- The Municipal Elections
Conclusion
In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds. May peace and blessings be upon the noblest of all creation, our master, our beloved, and our guide, Abu al-Qasim Muhammad, upon his noble and pure family, his virtuous and chosen companions, and upon all the prophets and the righteous until the Day of Judgment. Peace be upon you, and the mercy and blessings of God.
Today, we commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of Resistance and Liberation Day—an event that affirmed Lebanon’s status in the region and in the world, overturned established balances of power, and enabled the country to transition from weakness to strength. It is a celebration that has allowed the Lebanese people to live in dignity, pride, and sovereignty on their own land.
On this occasion, I will address three topics:
What enabled the emergence and rise of this great Resistance, culminating in such an immense achievement?
Israel occupied Palestine, then began to attack Lebanon and several other countries in the region. Lebanon had no choice but to respond through resistance, as its army was incapable of repelling the Israeli aggression, and all international conditions were favorable to the enemy. The birth of the Resistance was therefore entirely natural for a proud people who refused humiliation, occupation, and submission to this enemy.
The Palestinian Resistance then established itself in Lebanon as a bridgehead, supported by national and Islamic forces. This movement began to grow directly in the 1960s and 1970s. Imam Moussa al-Sadr then asserted himself as the Imam of the Resistance and leader of its movement, notably by founding the Amal Movement—the movement of the dispossessed—in the 1970s, to confront the Israeli enemy in an organized manner starting in 1974.
During this period, Israel launched “Operation Litani,” officially to push the Palestinian and Lebanese Resistance away from the borders, and occupied part of Lebanese territory. In 1978, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 425, calling on Israel to withdraw from Lebanese territory. Israel did not withdraw in 1978.
On April 18, 1979, Israel created and sponsored the so-called “Free State of Lebanon,” led by Major Saad Haddad. This entity was the prelude to a project of secession, annexation, and colonization. In 1980, it became the Free Lebanon Army, and in 1984, the South Lebanon Army. This entire process of name changes by Saad Haddad and his successors was aimed at justifying the confiscation of part of Lebanese territory, which had begun in 1978.
In 1982, Israel launched a large-scale invasion of Lebanon, reaching the capital, Beirut. This occupation was justified under the pretext of expelling the PLO and the Palestinians from Lebanon. Their departure to Tunisia eventually took place, meaning that Israel’s stated objective had been fulfilled. But Israel remained, and sought to impose the May 17, 1983 agreement. Although approved by Parliament, this agreement was rejected by a popular, religious, and national Resistance, which, with the support of Syria, succeeded in preventing Israel from implementing this humiliating agreement that would have given it control over Lebanon.
The Resistance continued its struggle. Hezbollah began to organize officially and at the grassroots level starting in 1982, joining other factions in isolated but continuous operations across southern Lebanon and in all areas occupied by the Israeli enemy.
Under mounting pressure, Israel partially withdrew in 1985, three years after the 1982 invasion, retreating to a zone in southern Lebanon known as the Lebanese border strip, approximately 1,100 km² in area—representing 55% of southern Lebanon, or around 11% of the national territory of 10,452 km².
From 1985 until the liberation in 2000, this strip of land remained under occupation by the Israeli enemy, and armed resistance was the only way to confront it. Many voices in Lebanon claimed that “the eye cannot defeat the needle,” seeking to demoralize by asserting that any form of resistance was futile and could not alter the reality on the ground. They promoted diplomacy and the political route as the only means to achieve an Israeli withdrawal. Yet since the adoption of Resolution 425 in 1978, Israel had never retreated.
It was therefore necessary to continue the struggle, at the cost of sacrifices, effort, and blood. During this period, the fight against collaborators and against the Israeli enemy was carried out in close combat, with limited means and modest capabilities. The Resistance struck everywhere. The people supported the Resistance in various ways, enduring imprisonment—particularly in the Khiam detention center and the prisons of the Israeli entity—and many other forms of suffering.
But the will to resist and expel this enemy from our land prevailed. Submission was not an option, despite the immense disparity in capabilities. In the face of the Resistance’s determination and resolve, Israel came to understand that it could not establish a lasting presence on Lebanese soil—neither the South Lebanon Army, nor tanks, nor aircraft, nor aggression would be enough.
Beginning in 1999, Israeli political leaders—most notably Barak and Netanyahu—began competing electorally over a platform of withdrawing from southern Lebanon. Elections were held in 2000. Prior to this withdrawal, Israel attempted to reach an agreement. Lebanon refused. Israel then sought to negotiate through Syria, which at the time had control over the situation in Lebanon, but Syria refused all compromises. Israel believed that by postponing its withdrawal, it might secure a deal—but no agreement could be reached with either Lebanon or Syria.
As a result, Israel withdrew earlier than planned and completed its pullout on May 24. We then declared May 25 as Liberation Day. The Israelis left under cover of night, even abandoning their collaborators without notifying them. When local youth and residents entered the deserted posts and barracks, they found, in some places, meals still warm—those who had been eating had not expected such a sudden collapse. Israel did not inform its collaborators of its departure; on the contrary, it even boasted of having exited the country without the Resistance noticing, thus ensuring the safety of its soldiers during the retreat.
This was a major victory for the Resistance, a powerful sign for this dear, valiant, generous, and self-sacrificing people who, through this first victory, succeeded in breaking Israel—forcing it to abandon occupied territory without conditions or agreement. No accord was concluded. In an effort to help Israel reach a compromise by indirect means, the United Nations and the Security Council refused to send international emergency forces in the absence of a prior agreement under their auspices. But no one reached an agreement with Israel.
They had wagered that a withdrawal around May 25 would provoke problems between the Resistance and its popular base—that sectarian tensions would erupt between Muslims and Christians, that assassinations would occur, that unrest and complications would ensue, sparking internal strife in Lebanon and hindering both the Resistance and the Lebanese state.
But not a single blow was struck. Captured collaborators were handed over to the Lebanese state to be tried. The Resistance reassured the families of the collaborators, telling them that they bore them no ill will and that they should not bear the burden of their children’s actions, even if they shared their views. Those who had not taken part in the fighting were not troubled, and those who fled were allowed to leave freely. There was no bloodshed, no tension, no religious or sectarian unrest in the border areas.
The Security Council waited nearly a year before deciding to send international emergency forces. Remember that after Israel’s unilateral withdrawal, the South remained without any international presence for over a year—a way of exerting pressure on us—on the Resistance and the Lebanese state alike—to impose solutions favorable to Israel. When it became clear that this was impossible, they finally deployed the international forces.
This was a tremendous achievement for the Resistance fighters. Liberation Day marked a turning point in the region—politically, culturally, and in the realm of struggle. It carried us from despair to hope, from submission to resistance, from humiliation to dignity, from defeat to victory. As the Quran says:
“And indeed, Our word has already gone forth to Our servants, the messengers, that it is they who will be helped, and indeed, it is Our soldiers who will be victorious.” (Surah 37, verses 171–173)
What did we gain from this blessed victory? The Resistance evolved from a mere project with the potential to achieve liberation into a solid pillar of the strong Lebanon of tomorrow. In its early days, the Resistance was but an idea—one that could succeed or fail, yield results or not. But with the celebration of Resistance and Liberation Day, with the unconditional expulsion of Israel after 22 years of occupation, no one can any longer deny the importance or the role of the Resistance. It was the Resistance that shaped the Liberation of Lebanon. It inaugurated a new future for the country. It elevated Lebanon to the rank of a power, granting it an important status and role in the region. It was the Resistance that compelled all foreign powers to acknowledge that Lebanon must be treated as an equal.
This is a major achievement: the Resistance and the Liberation, and the Resistance and Liberation Day, constitute an entirely new phase—unlike anything that came before. Before this, we spoke of the importance of the Resistance. But since this holiday, the Resistance has become a fundamental component of Lebanon’s national identity. For the threat posed by the Israeli enemy persists, and its aggressions remain ongoing.
All credit for what has been accomplished—the Liberation, the feat, the victory—belongs first and foremost to Almighty God. The Master of the Martyrs of the Ummah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah—may God Almighty be pleased with him—declared in Bint Jbeil on May 25, 2000:
“This victory is a divine victory.”
And so it is. It is a divine victory because the few triumphed over the many; because the believers defeated the deviants, the unbelievers, and those who had strayed from obedience to God; because justice triumphed over oppression and perversion. Divine support was present—alongside much that remains beyond our perception, but whose effects we witnessed through the bold and targeted operations carried out by the Resistance in southern Lebanon, leading to this resounding victory.
Credit is due to the one who launched the Resistance: Imam Moussa al-Sadr, the Imam of the Resistance in Lebanon. It is also due to the inspiring leaders: His Eminence Sheikh Ragheb Harb—may God be pleased with him; the former Secretary-General (of Hezbollah), His Eminence Sayyed Abbas al-Moussawi—may God be pleased with him; the visionary commander Hajj Imad Mughniyeh, the commander of the two victories (in 2000 and 2006); and the great pearl, the shining jewel of the Resistance, the emblem of all resistance fighters and free men around the world—His Eminence Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah—may God be pleased with him—who carried the Resistance, led it to victory, to prominence, and to deep-rooted influence across the region.
For the first time, we gather to commemorate Resistance and Liberation Day, 25 years later, without His Eminence (Sayyed Nasrallah) among us. This grieves us deeply, but also brings us solace: he is watching over us from his exalted place, and by the grace of Almighty God, we remain faithful to our commitment.
Here we must pay tribute to the martyrs, the wounded, the prisoners who made sacrifices; to the families who bore the burden alongside them; and to all those who took part in the Resistance: the Army, the People, and the Resistance—all contributed to this achievement and this great Liberation.
In these final moments, I must also remember the martyr Ahmad Yahya Abu Dhar, who fell on May 24, 2000, after being struck by a shell on the 21st. On his deathbed, he said:
“Praise be to God, who allowed me to witness both blessings: victory and martyrdom.”
He saw victory with Israel’s withdrawal, and fell as a martyr immediately thereafter.
It is these noble examples that led to the Liberation—examples that have brought us honor and pride.
We must express our gratitude to His Excellency, the President and Resister, General Emile Lahoud, who provided strong support and valuable assistance to the Resistance, as well as to all those who facilitated this victory. We also extend our thanks to former Prime Minister, President Salim al-Hoss—may God have mercy on him—who stated frankly:
“This great achievement accomplished by Lebanon in liberating its land from the yoke of occupation is owed to the valiant Resistance and to the support of the Lebanese people.”
He was bold, clear, and unwavering in his support for the Resistance.
Today, special thanks are due to the commander of the army, General Haykal, for the statement he issued, in which he expressed his own patriotism and that of the army, as well as the place and role of this institution. He affirmed:
“This event is historic in its achievements, and the Liberation is a national accomplishment.”
To him, and to all, I affirm: we will always remain faithful to this triad—the Army, the People, and the Resistance—in order to build the future and fulfill the promise of Liberation.
Five conclusions can be drawn from Resistance and Liberation Day:
Resistance and Liberation Day was the prelude to everything that followed. So today, when I hear on television a sister, blinded by a pager bomb attack, whose husband is a martyr and who is raising two children, speaking with courage, strength, determination, and patience, saying:
“I am ready to give more—whatever I can offer, I will give,”
and expressing satisfaction with her condition—I say to myself: What an admirable woman! And she is not alone. There are many like her in our society who give, sacrifice, and devote themselves. And when Hadi, an eleven-year-old child, speaks and says:
“We promise to always follow this path,”
even though he was wounded by a pager bomb, lost an eye, and several fingers on his hands, he speaks with bravery and confidence, charting his future on the path of Resistance.
Know this: this generous and proud people, these families who embrace the Resistance and its fighters, those who confronted the Israeli enemy with bare hands, who raise their children in strength, dignity, faith, and piety, and who reject humiliation and submission—these people will always succeed and reach their goals.
Secondly, what is our situation today?
The Resistance continues. It is the choice of the people and of all those who believe in it. Resistance is a choice, a people, a will.
To those who ask whether the Resistance will endure, we reply: It will endure. It will endure—even in your heart, you who reject it. It will endure in blood and sacrifice, in glory, in victory, in greatness, in dignity. It will endure through the martyrs, the wounded, and the prisoners; through pious, pure, and faithful families; through the children who aspire to be on the front lines to defend honor and homeland. Those who are bound so deeply to Almighty God, to their land, and to their dignity can never be defeated. Victory will always be theirs.
If I had to redefine this Resistance, I would say that it is a defensive Resistance—a rejection of occupation and surrender. Resistance is a choice: at times it fights and deters, at times it stands firm and prevents, at times it waits patiently and remains vigilant. Resistance does not necessarily mean that weapons are in use or that daily attacks take place. Resistance is a path, a direction. Weapons are but tools—used at the right moment, with discernment, and according to necessity. Thus, Resistance is an act of will, a popular act, a conscious choice.
In response to Israeli aggression, the Lebanese state concluded an indirect ceasefire with the Israeli entity. The state has honored its commitments, and we, as the Resistance, have fully complied with them. But 3,300 Israeli violations are not a matter of one or two infractions—they constitute ongoing aggression. Israeli aggression continues despite our complete adherence to the agreement.
Let this be clear to everyone: do not ask anything more of us. Let Israel withdraw, cease its aggression, release the prisoners, and fulfill all the obligations outlined in the agreement—then we will see.
And here, it is the United States that must bear responsibility. From the very beginning—in Gaza and elsewhere—it has served as the guarantor of continued aggression. The state must act with greater effectiveness. Demand accountability from them. Silence them. And if necessary, shout at them. Lebanon must stand strong, confident, and free—with its people and its children. Fear nothing. What can they do to you if you raise your voice? If you speak out at the Security Council? If you send messages to all nations? If Lebanese diplomacy mobilizes? If the Council of Ministers raises its voice at every session? If all relevant parties rally together?
This is what must happen: to overwhelm them with a multitude of positions and pressures. The state bears this responsibility.
We have said it before, and we repeat it now: if the state fails in its role—even though it has the capacity to fulfill it—other options exist. Do not ask me what those options are. But know this: the Resistance will not remain silent in the face of injustice, and it will not yield. For now, it is exercising patience and endurance. We have taken a position that it is the state’s responsibility to respond—and that will require time. We are granting that time. But the time to act is now.
The martyrs of this phase are the martyrs of the Battle of the Mighty Ones [the name given by Hezbollah to the September–November 2024 war against Israel] whether they are martyrs from among the people or from the Resistance. The wounded and all current losses are the result of continued aggression. To this day, we consider the war with the Israeli enemy not over, because it has not honored its commitments. All our tributes go to those making sacrifices.
If Israel believes it can pressure us with military force and unrelenting attacks, it should know this will only reinforce our determination, our steadfastness, and our will. Let no one imagine that such actions could cause us to back down.
Look today to Yemen—this remarkable model. Despite all its power and influence, even the United States has failed to continue its aggression. It was ultimately forced to withdraw before these courageous heroes who rose up for Gaza, for Palestine, for Arab, Islamic, and human dignity.
Look at the people of Gaza: for twenty months, they have borne the worst sacrifices. They have shed their blood and endured destruction while being subjected to unimaginable aggression, genocide, unprecedented devastation, inhumane acts, and unspeakable brutality—all with the tyrannical, inhuman, and arrogant support of the United States. And yet, despite all these atrocities, the aggressors have failed to achieve their objectives.
As for the crimes committed in Gaza, even within Israel—within what they call the “opposition,” whether Golan, Barak, Olmert, or others, including members of Likud—all acknowledge that Netanyahu and his allies are starving the population, killing relentlessly, and failing to achieve their goals. Where is the world? The Americans have cleared the way for them to continue, and this is extremely dangerous.
Let us be clear: in our view—and this is a lesson from history—Israel is doomed to fall.
“And say: The truth has come, and falsehood has vanished. Indeed, falsehood is bound to vanish.” (Qur’an, Surah 17, Verse 81)
You may ask me when this will happen. I do not know. But injustice on this scale cannot endure, cannot take root, cannot stabilize. Israel may fall due to internal division, to a renewed rise in Resistance and authentic strength, or because the United States will no longer be able to sustain it. We do not know how Israel’s collapse will occur, but we are certain of this: injustice can never be permanently established on this earth.
Today, the United States is overstepping the bounds of Lebanon’s sovereignty. They must stop boasting, issuing orders to our officials, and placing undue pressure on our country. Their actions are misguided. If they believe that by pressuring Lebanese leaders they can impose Israeli conditions, I say this to them: you will not obtain today what you failed to secure through war. These conditions will never be accepted, no matter the sacrifices or the cost of confrontation.
Let no one threaten us. We do not yield to threats. We have only two options—no more: victory or martyrdom. We are prepared for either. But capitulation? Withdrawal? Submission to threats and aggression? That is absolutely out of the question. We are the sons of Hussein—may God’s peace be upon him—who gave everything and received everything in return, and who achieved a victory cherished by the entire Ummah, engraved forever in time and history. We are the sons of His Eminence, the Master of the Martyrs of the Ummah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. That lineage forbids us from lagging behind—it propels us forward.
Almighty God says in His Book:
“How many of the prophets fought (in God’s way), and with them (fought) large bands of godly men? But they never lost heart if they met with disaster in Allah’s way, nor did they weaken (in will) nor give in. And Allah loves those who are firm and steadfast.” (Quran, 3:146)
Victory will come, by God’s grace.
Allow me to share with you a slogan—one I believe many urgently need to hear: Just as no one can relocate Lebanon—can you lift Lebanese soil and place it elsewhere? It is impossible—so too, no one can uproot the Resistance from the land of Lebanon. It is deeply rooted in this soil, inextricably bound to the blood of its martyrs, to every grain of wheat, every flower, every tree, every breath of resilience. Abandon these illusions. The Resistance has become inseparable from the very fabric of Lebanon. And this fabric is supported by the Resistance—by its people, by its honorable and dignified citizens. This support must continue, for it is what guarantees Lebanon’s very survival.
We advise President Trump to seize the historic opportunity before him: to free himself from Israel’s grip. If you truly wish to dominate the world economically, know this—Israel is a burden. It nearly dragged you into the abyss in Yemen, but you were shrewd: you withdrew, and thus saved face somewhat. Today, continuing to grant Israel carte blanche in Gaza and in Lebanon means forfeiting a crucial opportunity for the United States to invest in Lebanon and in the region. Israel stands at the edge of collapse—stop it. It survives only because of you. It is Trump who breathes into it the strength to persist in its aggression. But this persistent aggression—especially against Lebanon—not only undermines stability, it gravely endangers it.
Let me say this clearly: there can be no stability in one part of Lebanon without stability across the entire country. Lebanon’s stability is not divisible. It is holistic. It depends on the unity of all its components, on mutual trust and social cohesion. No one has the right to exclude another. This country belongs to us all. We have watered it with our blood. No one will take it from us, and we will not be torn from it by anyone.
I want to underscore a fundamental truth: reconstruction is the first pillar of stability. The security of citizens across the nation depends on it. The government must act more effectively. It is inconceivable that—even publicly—countries like Iraq, a noble, brave, and dignified nation, have expressed, through the voice of the Sudanese Prime Minister, their willingness to contribute financially to Lebanon’s reconstruction. I know that all of Iraq—its religious authorities, its forces, its people, its factions, and its leaders—stands in solidarity with Lebanon and with Palestine, and ardently wishes to participate in rebuilding. But it is Lebanon that must take the first step—to lead the way, to establish a fund, to take concrete action.
Iran, that generous Islamic country—the Iran of the Supreme Leader, Imam Khamenei, may God protect him—the Iran of a people who have always stood by us, alongside the Resistance, alongside Lebanon, alongside Palestine, has clearly and repeatedly informed the Lebanese authorities of its readiness to help us. But once again, it is up to the Lebanese state to take the initiative, to establish a reconstruction fund according to the terms it deems appropriate. Other countries have also contacted us, though not publicly, due to certain reservations. However, they too are ready to act as soon as Lebanon takes the lead. With God’s grace, aid and reconstruction will follow. But the Lebanese government must recover its bearings. It no longer has any excuse to delay, as this directly affects the country’s stability.
This country—Lebanon—is progressing thanks to our cooperation. We are the foundation of all the progress it is experiencing. Our positive contributions are present in every challenge and every milestone: the presidential election, government formation, municipal elections, appointments, and stages in passing laws. We are an integral part of all that is constructive in Lebanon today. If some obstruct or attempt to block progress for external reasons, we say to them: we will build Lebanon with our will, our convictions, and the sacrifices of our people. This is self-evident. And, with God’s grace, we will triumph, establishing a strong Lebanon that brings together all its sons. A stable Lebanon is good for us, and also for others, including Arab and foreign nations. It is in our shared interest.
No one can blackmail us in the name of stability. No one can blackmail us in the name of reconstruction. No one will blackmail us to strip us of our independence in decision-making. Never. Our decision will remain sovereign.
So let us rise with courage—and others will come to us. Enough of those who show weakness and make Lebanon appear incapable. Stand firm, for behind you stand the Army, the People, and the Resistance. No one can shake us. And, with God’s grace, we will accomplish what is expected of us.
Sidebar: see Norman Finkelstein’s Letter in Support of Salah, Expelled from the CGT Union for Gaza Solidarity.
Third and final point: the (recent) municipal and local elections. From the outset, we affirmed our commitment to holding these elections on schedule—despite the aggression against the South and the whole of Lebanon, and despite the situation in the Lebanese border region. We have always emphasized that holding these elections on time is essential, because we seek to strengthen the state and enable this people to develop its capacity for growth and state-building.
Thank God, turnout was significant. When I saw the cars leaving Beirut for the South on Friday, the scene reminded me of the year 2000, when cars were also streaming toward the South. It also brought to mind the November 27, 2024 ceasefire, after the Battle of the Mighty Ones, when cars were still heading south. It was the same image. This people is always on the front line: in elections, in the struggle against Israel, in resistance, in perseverance, in its attachment to the land. I sincerely salute them. I salute all the people of southern Lebanon. Their generosity and their stance are a testament to their strength, their pride, their dignity, their independence, and their unwavering will to remain at the forefront of the country’s liberation.
Now, I would like to highlight four key takeaways from the municipal elections:
First, the active participation—especially by supporters of Hezbollah and the Amal Movement—under the Development and Loyalty list, was very significant, with the backing of allies and families. I even wish to thank those who formed competing lists, for they too contributed to the success of this electoral process. We express our full thanks and gratitude to the workers, the electoral machines, the families, the Lebanese state—which fulfilled its responsibilities—and to all those who participated and contributed. Thank you for this resounding, exceptional victory. We have achieved unprecedented support, exceeding 50% of the municipalities in some provinces—an extraordinary accomplishment.
Some people are uncomfortable with victories achieved without the need for an election—when there is a single list. But my brother, that’s called agreement, and agreement means understanding. Are you rejecting understanding just because you covet a seat? My brother, you won’t win a seat even without understanding—so you might as well seek it. In any case, where competition is necessary, let it happen. But if there’s a chance to form a single list, why reject it? We support the path of consensus.
I want to express my gratitude to our faithful, loyal, courageous, and dedicated people: In the Bekaa, bastion of resistance, pride, generosity, bravery, and honor; In Beirut, fortress of the free and symbol of the expulsion of the Israeli occupation; In the southern suburbs of Beirut, a reservoir of sacrifice, devotion, and generosity, and always a magnet for free men; In South Lebanon, the vanguard of liberation, resistance, pride, and dignity; In Mount Lebanon, land of support and solidarity; In the North, cradle of unity and cohesion.
All Lebanese regions—whether in the elections where we participated directly, or those where others took part in the absence of our lists or candidates—all deserve our gratitude and appreciation for their participation. These municipal elections form the foundation for the launch of the state’s administration and its development institutions. The state must support the municipalities so that they can get off to a strong and effective start.
Secondly, we conducted these elections in a spirit of national unity. We served as a factor of social stability and national balance among the country’s diverse components. In Beirut, we participated with a list that brought together many forces—including some with whom we have neither agreement nor cooperation, and even some that make unfair statements about us. But we prioritized the country’s best interest: to maintain balance, to ensure that Christians do not feel marginalized, and that everyone can work together within the same municipality. This was the model we presented in Beirut: working for the national interest.
We applied the same approach in Haret Hreik: we put forward a Christian as head of the list, along with Christian members, ensuring the list was competitive—and, thank God, it was victorious. The same was true in Mashghara: the head of the list was Christian, others joined the effort, and again, by God’s grace, our list won.
In Baalbek, we faced a push to give these elections a sectarian color. But, by the grace of God, we reached an agreement with the families and succeeded in presenting an image that enabled the Development and Loyalty list to win by more than 6,000 votes. This result also reflects the support and cooperation of the local population with our lists—those of Hezbollah, the Amal Movement, our allies, and the families.
Let me tell you this: we entered these elections with a national will, under a unifying banner, and with a spirit of development. We do not seek to exclude anyone. On the contrary, we have extended a hand to cooperate with all, and we have offered the most noble example. I say to you as well: Hezbollah and the Amal Movement have proven to be a social safety valve, a pillar of national balance, and they have always placed this mission at the forefront.
Thirdly, the electoral alliance between Hezbollah and the Amal Movement represents unity, strength, cohesion, and solidarity around the Resistance and a shared political project. It is the largest, most strategic and influential alliance. Some people are annoyed by it… But why, my brothers? If you are our relatives and friends, there is no reason for dismay. As for the enemy—it is only natural they are upset. This alliance is indestructible, and it moves forward with unwavering resolve.
Fourth and final point: the single lists we supported were built on understanding and cooperation with the people. That is why we say to you: in the municipalities, our support was not offered on the eve of the elections, nor a month or two before, as some others do—but for nine years, ever since the previous municipal term. We supported them then, and we will continue to support them now. After the elections, we believe the real competition among the people should focus on service, especially from the wealthy and expatriates who support their villages.
Congratulations to you all on the occasion of Resistance and Liberation Day. With God’s grace, may all our days be days of celebration. With God’s grace, the Resistance will endure, the victories will continue, Israel will withdraw and will be defeated. It will not be able to remain among you, dear noble people.
With God’s grace, we will rebuild our country, our villages, and we will work together toward reconstruction and liberation.
Peace be upon you, and the mercy and blessings of God.
Source: https://naimkassem.com.lb
Translation: resistancenewsorg
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